Samora Machel's Relentless Drive to Free Southern Africa from the Shackles of Colonialism

Mozambique’s first President, Samora Machel, was more than a nationalist. He was a trained nurse turned guerilla commander, who led a revolutionary charge against Portuguese colonialism and freed Mozambique from the shackles of imposed governance. 

Samora Machel’s acts not only steered his nation into national independence but also marked the beginning of sound policies that birthed Mozambique as a nation that thrived while several others failed post-independence.

As President, his rule was marked by socialist reforms, a fierce resistance to dissent, and an incredibly deep continental solidarity. In an effort to completely eradicate the marks left by colonialism, he prioritised healthcare, education and housing for Mozambicans and nationalised major industries for the benefit of all. 

As a staunch Pan-Africanist and vocal critic of apartheid, Machel extended unwavering support to liberation movements across Southern Africa, especially in Zimbabwe and South Africa. 

Tragically, his leadership was cut short by a mysterious plane crash in 1986, leaving an enduring legacy of courage, vision and sacrifice in the hearts of people across the world. 

Early Life

Machel was born in the Gaza province of Southern Mozambique in 1933. Prior to his birth and during his lifetime, he witnessed various organised attempts to quell colonial oppression in his native land. His grandfather had, in fact, been wounded in one of such early resistance attempts against Portuguese occupation. This period had particularly been marked by oppressive rules imposed by the latter that established exploitative economic practices such as the forced cultivation of cotton by African families. After such cultivation, the Portuguese would mandatorily buy the crops at fixed, minimal prices, a criteria that was non-existent for white cotton farmers. Similarly, Mozambicans were forced, for generations, to work in South African gold mines. Most would, more often than not, come back maimed or blind. For Machel’s eldest brother, he did not return at all. 

Yet another of the many oppressive evidence of the cruelty Machel witnessed growing up occurred in 1950 when  Mozambicans were forcefully displaced by white settlers, from vast areas of fertile land, without compensation.

Machel witnessed all these and it is safe to surmise that they fuelled his passion to fight colonialism in his homeland.  

He began his early education, like many others, in a mission school created to tutor young Mozambicans in Portuguese language and culture. However, throughout Mozambique, these basic forms of education never provided gateways or platforms to higher education. 

In Machelle’s case, financial constraints further worsened his likelihood of ever getting a higher education. As a result, he never completed his higher education journey. However, he had already acquired the necessary certificate to train as a nurse in Portugal at the time. Thus began his nursing career in the Miguel Bombarda Hospital in the capital city of Lourenço Marques (now Maputo). Here, yet again, Machel faced considerable financial constraints and was unable to see this phase of education to the end. Instead, he had to get a job as an aide in the same hospital. This earned him enough to continue his education at night school. 

In Portugal, Machel experienced, firsthand, the deep-seated inequalities perpetuated by colonialism as he saw white nurses earn significantly higher than their black counterparts. This further sparked his desire to bring colonialism to an end; a political awakening at its best.

Political Career

In the late 1950s, it became evident that an era of freedom for African nations was near. This culminated in renewed efforts towards independence across the continent. Most of the neighbouring nations around Mozambique were already on the journey toward independence and the excitement was almost palpable. With this, Machel’s activism grew, gradually becoming more vocal as a major opponent to discriminatory policies and wage disparities. 

This, unfortunately, drew the attention of the Portuguese Political Police (PIDE) to him. Fearing for his life, Machel fled to Tanzania, leaving behind the life he had built. In Tanzania, he joined the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), a nationalist movement that sought to emancipate Mozambique from the hands of colonial terror, and even took up military training, fully convinced that the Portuguese would not give up Mozambique without a fight.

By 1964, the nationalist movement in Mozambique had developed into a revolutionary one. FRELIMO, which by then, had garnered more renown, had also become a significant vehicle for Mozambique’s struggle for independence. Machel had simultaneously also distinguished himself as a charismatic leader that embodied the vision of the movement. His military acumen and commitment to the cause stood him out and soon enough, he began to commandeer FRELIMO’s military operations. 

In 1962, Eduardo Mondlane, an anthropologist and revolutionary nationalist had founded FRELIMO. He had remained the leader of the movement until 1969, when he was brutally killed by a bomb sent to him at FRELIMO’s headquarters. His death marked a crucial moment for FRELIMO. The movement could either become completely extinct or survive in the hands of an equally capable leader. Torn by the need to make a sound decision, a triumvirate was installed but it soon fell apart. Soon after, Machel was chosen as the man for the job and in 1970, was appointed as the president of the nationalist movement. Marcelino dos Santos served as his deputy. 

In light of the oppressive and rather capitalist nature of colonial rule, Machel advocated on all fronts for a Mozambique that embraced the socialist ideologies of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin. Hence, these ideologies shaped the strategies and policies of FRELIMO. Under his leadership, Machel also modified FRELIMO’s military tactics, with a core emphasis on mobility and adaptability. 

In the midst of all these, strategic strikes, which rapidly garnered the support of locals, were arranged across Mozambique to disrupt colonial activities. In response, the Portuguese launched the largest known offense against FRELIMO in 1970. It was called the “Operation Gordian Knot” and was instigated to crush FRELIMO’s resistance, specifically in the North. This proved unsuccessful against Machel’s military strategies as he refocused FRELIMO’s war efforts by improving operations in the western province of Tete. 

Tete just so happened to be the site of the massive Cahora Bassa Dam project on the Zambezi River, a project created to sell electricity to South Africa. Anticipating a potential threat to the site, the Portuguese military concentrated heavy defences around the dam. This move, however, left the broader province exposed. Seizing the opportunity, FRELIMO pushed further into the region, crossing the Zambezi by 1972 and expanding operations into the southern territories. 

By 1973, their reach had extended into Manica and Sofala, where they launched successful attacks on the rail line linking Zimbabwe to Beira. The raids sparked panic among Beira’s settler population, who criticised the colonial army for failing to protect white settlers and their interests.

The final blow to Portuguese rule came swiftly. In 1974, the Estado Novo regime, which had long represented the backbone of Portuguese colonialism, was overthrown by the Carnation Revolution, a military coup staged on the 25th of April by a group of Portuguese officers. It was a bloodless coup and it brought about sweeping social, political, and economic changes not just in Portugal, but also across its colonial territories. Through what became known as the Ongoing Revolutionary Process (Processo Revolucionário em Curso), the revolution ushered in a transition to democracy and officially ended the Portuguese Colonial War. In essence, it marked the fall of a colonial empire, making way for Mozambique’s long-awaited freedom.

Independence Has Come

On the 25th of June 1975, Mozambique gained its independence. Although Samora Machel, indeed, played a significant part in the nation’s fight for independence, it is also undoubtable that two crucial factors contributed to it. The first being the mounting pressure from the continent-wide anti-colonial struggle in Africa and the second being a military coup organised by the Carnation Revolution (also known as Operation Historic Turn). The latter’s influence was particularly significant.

Mozambique’s freedom did not, however, come on a platter of gold. Portugal, despite its era of change, sought to negotiate with FRELIMO. The movement’s stance was firm: Mozambique must gain full independence. On September 7, 1974, an agreement was reached and the Portuguese agreed to transfer full power to FRELIMO and the date, 25th of June 1975, was set for independence. To achieve this, both nations worked hand in hand. FRELIMO and Portugal both set up a transitional government and assigned ministers to it. However, a member of the movement by the name Joaquim Chissano, was ultimately appointed to lead the government as Prime Minister. 

In an attempt to eradicate the vestiges of colonialism and promote an inclusive society, FRELIMO’s government nationalised lands, as well as the education and health sectors. These made health services and education readily available to all citizens. In addition, urban housing previously owned by Portuguese landlords were redistributed and the concept of owning a house for rent was totally abolished. In response, those who had benefited from the old system revolted in challenge. 

Without an opposing party, Mozambique became a one-party state governed by FRELIMO and the president of the movement was automatically destined to become the president of the nation. In 1977, FRELIMO officially declared itself a Marxist-Leninist party and re-elected Machel as its president, automatically installing him as the President of the Republic of Mozambique. 

Presidency and Support for Other Nationalist Movements

Machel’s presidency brought about an era of varying changes to Mozambique. He introduced “reeducation centres” for petty criminals and political opponents in which thousands of inmates were reported to have died from starvation, executions, punishments and diseases. Yet, the state's emphasis on rehabilitation was not entirely absent; between 1970 and 1980, three such centres were shut down, and over 2,600 former inmates were reabsorbed into society.

Machel’s repression of dissent voices was also very pronounced. In 1975, he reportedly attended a public show trial at the Nachingwea military camp, where former FRELIMO leaders like Paulo Gumane and Uria Simango, who opposed the party’s power consolidation, were forced to confess under pressure. Though never officially confirmed, it is widely believed they were executed (They were reportedly burned alive by soldiers in 1977, according to a 1995 investigation).

Machel’s ideologies, however, did not end with Mozambique. He was also at the forefront of anti-colonial and anti-apartheid efforts in Southern Africa. Liberation movements in neighbouring countries such as Zimbabwe and South Africa enjoyed his support, creating a regional movement against white minority rule. These actions largely earned him respect but also brought about the displeasure of hostile regimes, especially South Africa and Zimbabwe’s hostile government.

He even went as far as implementing United Nations sanctions against Zimbabwe by closing Mozambique’s borders with it. In response, Zimbabwe recruited Mozambicans and ex Portuguese settlers to create an anti-FRELIMO movement in Mozambique. This movement was ultimately dismissed as “armed bandits” by FRELIMO. 

Machel’s commitment to Zimbabwe’s liberation was especially pronounced. During the independence war, Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army, the military wing of Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) guerrillas were allowed to operate from FRELIMO-held areas. Machel also later gave refuge to ZANU leader, Robert Mugabe, after his release from prison.

Initially wary of Mugabe’s rise within ZANU, Machel tried to unify Zimbabwean factions by supporting the Zimbabwean People’s Army (ZIPA), an alternative force that soon revealed its loyalty to Mugabe. Accepting this reality, Machel backed ZANLA militarily while lobbying diplomatically for British involvement. 

He also played a quiet yet crucial role in the Lancaster House talks, helping ensure Mugabe’s agreement to the settlement, despite its flaws. Confident in a ZANU victory, he was proven right when the party won a landslide in Zimbabwe’s first election. Yet, always mindful of ethnic divisions, Machel used his 1980 state visit to urge unity, warning: “To ensure national unity, there must be no Shonas in Zimbabwe, there must be no Ndebeles in Zimbabwe, there must be Zimbabweans.”

Civil War

In 1977, a civil war ensued in Mozambique. Sponsored by the Zimbabwean government, the war aimed to plunge the country into civil war and successfully did so. The Zimbabwean government had strategically used RENAMO, an opposing political party to FRELIMO, to launch the rebellion. 

Over time, South Africa took advantage of RENAMO and began to sponsor its activities. In 1980, South Africa accused Mozambique of harbouring the military bases of the African National Congress (ANC), a movement similar to FRELIMO, created to fight against minority rule and apartheid in South Africa. Moreover, South Africa strongly believed Mozambique was a part of the Front Line States—a group of African nations that had come together to fight apartheid in South Africa. 

Hence, on the 30th of June 1981, South Africa attacked three houses in Mozambique, killing 12 members of the African National Congress (ANC) and a Portuguese electrician. Two weeks later, Machel issued a challenge to South Africa by openly embracing Oliver Tambo, the leader of ANC. 

This did not stop South Africa as it continued to pursue vengeance, simultaneously using it as a mechanism to destabilise Mozambique. With the weapons South Africa provided, RENAMO spread its operations across Mozambique to the exception of the far North. 

In 1984, a non-aggression and good neighbourliness pact, known as the Nkomati Accord, was made between South Africa and Mozambique. The pact included agreements that South Africa would end its support for RENAMO and Mozambique would end its support for the ANC. The agreement ended up being a facade. Machel did not completely expel ANC members within Mozambique and South Africa did not end its support for RENAMO. 

In 1985, Mozambique and Zimbabwe joined forces to launch a joint offense against RENAMO. This led to the regrouping of RENAMO’s headquarters to the District of Maringué. The war however, continued but as Machel saw it, the back of the snake had been broken and only its tail would thrash around. 

Death and Legacy

On the 19th of October 1986, President Samora Machel met an untimely death as a result of a plane crash within South African borders. Machel had been coming from a summit in Mbala, Zambia when it happened. The goal of the summit was to strategise on how the Front Line States would move against leaders of South Africa and Zaire who had consistently supported actions against Zambia.

According to report, Machel had insisted on returning to Mozambique that night in order to attend a meeting he had scheduled to hold the following morning, despite warnings not to travel at night. Of the 44 people aboard the plane, 35 died, including Machel, while 9 survived. 

The details of how the plane came to crash remain shrouded in mystery to date, especially in light of various claims regarding the South African's subtle involvement in orchestrating it. The Margo Commission, set up by the South African government to investigate, however, ruled the crash as an accident. 

Today, Samora Machel is remembered as a national hero across Mozambique. On the 19th of January 1999, his crash site was inaugurated by Nelson Mandela and his wife, Graça as well as by President Joaquim Chissano who succeeded him in Mozambique. A memorial service is also held on the 19th of October each year.